Friday, January 17, 2014

2002 Oct 12 (1012) Bali Bombing was another Zionist plot.

1012 Bali Bombing in 2002 one day, one month and a year after 2001, 9/11.

1226 Boxing Day Tsunami followed.
Formula: 2002 + 2 years later = 2004. 
                Oct(10) + 2 = Dec (12)
                day(12) x 2+ 2 = day (26) 

It was all planned by the Zionist Korpo-Ratz Banksters. 
Order out of world-wide chaos. Arise the Zionist-controlled authoritarian NWO empire (ZOOWE). And they need to depopulate the world first by whatever means including epidemic, planned disasters, weaponised natural calamities, financial collapse etc.   

Did ExxonMobil Pay Torturers?

The oil giant has long said it has no responsibility for atrocities committed by the government soldiers it hired to protect its plant in Indonesia. Now the issue could be headed to the Supreme Court.

| Fri Oct. 5, 2012 10:40 AM GMT
Update: The Supreme Court has ruled that foreign plaintiffs in most cases do not have standing to sue U.S. corporations over human-rights violations in American courts. The decision (PDF) came in a case, Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum, involving allegations that Shell was complicit in human-rights abuses in Nigeria. It is expected that other companies will move for dismissal of similar suits over human-rights violations overseas, including the Exxon case we investigate in this story. 

This man, who was killed two years after the lawsuit was filed, claimed that an attack by ExxonMobil's security personnel resulted in the loss of his hand and eye.
This man, who was killed two years after the lawsuit was filed, claimed that an attack by ExxonMobil's security personnel resulted in the loss of his hand and eye. Terry Collingsworth
EVEN IN THE DRY LEGALESE OF a court complaint, the account of John Doe III is not for the faint of heart:
In the summer of 2000, soldiers detained him while he was visiting a refugee camp. They shot him "in three places on his leg," then "tortured him for several hours." The soldiers "broke his kneecap, smashed his skull, and burned him with cigarettes." After he was taken to a hospital to treat his wounds, he was returned to this captors, who held him for roughly a month and "tortured him regularly."
This was the Aceh Province, Sumatra, Indonesia, at the height of a bloody civil war. Such accounts were commonplace. But in this case, according to the complaint, the man's captors were not just any soldiers. They were "ExxonMobil security personnel." And now, more than a decade later, ExxonMobil has been ordered to stand trial in a human rights lawsuit.
In June 2001, John Doe III and 10 other civilian neighbors of ExxonMobil's Arun natural gas facility filed a lawsuit against ExxonMobil in federal district court in Washington, DC. In John Doe v. ExxonMobil, (PDF) the villagers charge the company with complicity in torture, arbitrary detention, and extrajudicial killings allegedly committed by Indonesian soldiers it hired to provide security.
ExxonMobil has steadfastly maintained its innocence in the case.
"We have fought the baseless claims for many years," said ExxonMobil spokesman David Eglinton. "The plaintiffs' claims are without merit. While conducting its business in Indonesia, ExxonMobil has worked for generations to improve the quality of life in Aceh through employment of local workers, provision of health services and extensive community investment. The company strongly condemns human rights violations in any form."
But in a 2008 ruling (PDF), federal district court judge Louis Oberdorfer ordered Exxon to face trial. "A reasonable finder of fact," the judge wrote, citing internal correspondence from Exxon and its Indonesian subsidiary, EMOI, "could conclude that the paid security forces committed the alleged torts and that EMOI and Exxon Mobil are liable." Exxon appealed, but a federal circuit court panel upheld that part of the ruling in July 2011.
The fate of the ExxonMobil case now rests in the hands of the US Supreme Court. On October 1, the court heard arguments in a similar, better-known case, Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum (Shell)—and it's that case that may determine whether the Acehnese villagers ever get their day in federal court.
Like John Doe v. ExxonMobil, the Kiobel case relies on an 18th-century statute called the Alien Tort Claims Act. The Nigerian plaintiffs say it gives citizens outside the United States the right to sue any corporation with a US presence for aiding and abetting human rights abuses—such as the Nigerian government's alleged extrajudicial killings of Ogoni protester Ken Saro-Wiwa and Barinem Kiobel.
Like ExxonMobil, Shell says the Alien Tort Statute does not apply to cases like this: that only individuals—and not corporations—can be held liable for human rights violations on foreign soil.
Expected as early as December, the court's ruling will almost certainly set a major precedent—either allowing people around the world to continue suing companies in US federal court for abuses like slave labor, extrajudicial killings, and torture, or shutting them out for good. More than a dozen Alien Tort cases involving hundreds of plaintiffs are riding on the decision. They target corporations from Chevron to Chiquita.
Kiobel's significance has not escaped the attention of industry associations like the Product Liability Advisory Council, a nonprofit group representing more than 100 manufacturers in the US and abroad, which has tracked cases brought under the Alien Tort Statute. "The number of ATS claims naming corporate defendants has risen steadily in recent years," the Council told the Supreme Court in a brief on Shell's behalf. "ATS cases impose substantial litigation costs." What's more, the brief says, "[b]eing accused of genocide in federal court causes significant reputational harm, regardless of the actual merits of the allegations."
Ilya Shapiro of the Cato Institute, a conservative think tank, who authored an amicus brief in the case supporting Shell, says it often costs a corporation less to settle than to defend itself, creating an incentive for false accusations: "If the Court finds that federal courts do have jurisdiction over these types of claims," he said in an email, "it will be an invitation to sue for anything anywhere. We would internationalize the extortion-by-trial-lawyer problems we have in America."

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